Ahead of the next general elections, many traditional rulers who have been stridently pitching for constitutional roles may have decided to bite the bullet and openly play the political game. Taking the recent endorsement of Governor Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State ahead of the 2014 gubernatorial poll, by the venerable Oba of Benin, Omo N’Oba Erediauwa Uku Apkolokpolo as a jump-off point, LOUIS ACHI examines the implications of the royals openly politicizing the traditional institution in the current environment of a presidential democracy. He also tracks successive efforts to create a constitutional niche for the venerable folks
Ahead of the July 14, 2012 gubernatorial election in Edo State, the press has been awash with reports of the endorsement of Governor Adams Oshiomhole by royal fathers of that realm. The most important reported endorsement in this connection is that of the venerable Oba of Benin, Omo N’Oba Erediauwa Uku Akpolokpolo.
On Thursday, April 19, 2012, Governor Oshiomhole visited the Oba’s palace accompanied by his retinue of aides and well-wishers to present his scorecard to the Bini monarch and seek his support for another four-year mandate.
After the governor’s presentation in the revered presence of the Oba, the Esogban of Benin Kingdom, Chief David Edebiri, who spoke on the Oba’s behalf delivered the endorsement: “Adams Oshiomhole as a politician is the candidate of the Binis because he knows the problems of the Binis and he is solving them.
As the Odionwere of Benin Kingdom, with the authority of the Oba, “I say we will vote for Oshiomhole. We have many Mr. Fix It here, but they could not fix anything. Today, Oshiomhole is fixing everywhere. We want to appreciate Oshiomhole by voting him back to government house. The oracle has spoken.”
Edebiri who is also head of the ‘witches’ in Bini Kingdom cut to the heart of the matter when he further declared: “They said the palace is playing politics. What is politics? The Oba himself is the embodiment of politics. He supervises everything”.
The foregoing scenario interestingly is not a novelty. That, “the Oba himself is the embodiment of politics. He supervises everything,” according to Chief David Edebiri, cuts to the heart of the dilemma.
Tracking back…
Last year, the Barewa Old Boys Association asked the National Assembly to amend the constitution to give traditional rulers a role in governance. In the republican environment of a presidential democracy, carving a constitutional niche for traditional rulers may create parallel centres of political power that might pitch the royals against elected executives or legislatures and provoke other consequences. Interestingly, there are significant divisions on the subject.
On the surface, the Barewa Old Boys Association (BOBA) is just another forum where members regroup to recall old times, back-slap, share wine, gossip and then adjourn for another future round of warm camaraderie. But BOBA is far from this picture; its members constitute the political and business elite of Northern Nigeria. Any major northern political script that lacks its blessing is simply an imperiled project. This scenario has been validated over time.
In December 2010, President Goodluck Jonathan pledged he will forward a bill to the National Assembly that will create a constitutional role for traditional rulers at the federal level.
The President who spoke at the coronation of the king of his village, Otuoke in Ogbia Local Government of Bayelsa State, His Royal Highness, Justin Ogiasa, the Obanema of Otueke, noted that the national recognition is necessary because of the roles traditional institutions play in the stability of peace in the country. The bill, he said, will be presented early in 2011 as a New Year gift to the traditional rulers in the country. To-date, all is curiously quiet on that front.
Before then in 2009, during a visit to the Obi of Owa, Dr. Emmanuel Efeizomor JP (OON), at Owa-Oyibu, the Emir of Borgu Kingdom in Niger State called on the federal government to end the constitutional exclusion of traditional rulers in the national scheme of things.
For good measure, the royal father, who was then on tour of the South-East zone of the country also condemned the Jos crises, observing it would have been nipped in the bud if the government had given traditional rulers constitutional powers. The obviously miffed royal father decried the situation where monarchs were used as the last resort after government had exhausted all available means of checking crises.
Beyond President Jonathan, BOBA, and the Emir of Borgu’s latest campaign pitches, one of the most articulate and boldest voices for the constitutional inclusion of the royals in recent times is the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Mohammad Sa’ad Abubakar III.
Perhaps, being a retired major-general of the Nigerian Army, bold talk is a given. He demonstrated this knack recently when he canvassed constitutional inclusion of the royals in governance.
According to the Sultan, “It is not only when there are problems that we are consulted. I have made this point before and I will continue to make it and we all are going to make it until the National Assembly amends the constitution to involve traditional rulers in the affairs of this country because this country belongs to all of us.”
Crossing the line?
But a worrying dimension to the urgent desire of traditional rulers to get a piece of constitutional carrot is that some of them have already crossed the line into partisan political turf.
It will be recalled that back in July, 2001, barely a week after Igwe John Nebolisa, a traditional ruler in Anambra State attended a rally of Anambra Peoples Forum (APF), a pro Sir Emeka Ofor quasi-political platform rooting for the ouster of the? then embattled Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju, he was dethroned by gubernatorial fiat.
The royal father was subsequently directed to return his certificate of recognition and staff of office to the state government within one month.
The Anambra incident is illustrative of the increasing trend of traditional rulers’ gradual but steady entry into partisan politics and the inherent dangers in their coming out openly to annoint preferred candidates. By their peculiar status, these natural rulers are commonly seen as fathers to all.
The 1999 constitution appears to have taken cognisance of these unique roles when it did not assign any definite roles to them. But then, this lack of constitutional roles have spawned considerable debate and campaign from the royal fathers themselves for political inclusion.
The first republic
All things considered, it can be safely said that traditional rulers involvement in politics dates back to the First Republic. The practice of parliamentary system of government in the First Republic, made constitutional provisions for royal fathers in the political affairs of the country.
Thus the parliamentary system which established Regional Houses of Chiefs, allowed traditional rulers to participate in politics. It was not therefore surprising that the Regional Houses of Chiefs had royal fathers like Sir Muhammadu Sanusi, Emir of Kano, Alhaji Usman Nagogo, Emir of Katsina, the Makama of Bida, and the Ooni of Ife, Sir Adesoji Aderemi.
In fact, following the crisis that broke in the old Western Region, which culminated in the declaration of a state of emergency in the region by the late Sir Tafawa Balewa-led Federal Government, many royal fathers took up political appointment in the emergency government headed by its Sole Administrator, Dr. Moses Majekodunmi.
As a result of the suspension of all members of the Western Region’s government, Majekodunmi had named six royal fathers as commissioners whom he appointed to work with him.
The Obas, named as commissioners, to assist the Sole Administrator in the running of the affairs of the State were: the Oba of Benin, Akenzua II, the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, the Osemawe of Ondo, Oba Rewogboye II, the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Akinyele, the Olu of Warri, Oba Erejuwa II and the Olu of Iwo, Oba S. O. Abimbola.
This marked the gradual but systematic involvement of traditional rulers in partisan politics. It is instructive to note that given the very turbulent and charged political atmosphere in the old Western Region, it would have been most appropriate if the Balewa’s government after its declaration of a State of Emergency, had insulated royal fathers from the political crossfire of the time.
But as some political analysts noted “the appointment of royal fathers like Oba Akinzua II, Oba Sikiru Adetona Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Akinyele and Olu of Warri, Oba Erejuwa II as members of the Region’s Executive Council as Commissioners, further enmeshed the royal fathers in regional partisan politics, making them seemingly ineffective in the discharge of their primary role as custodians of culture and tradition.”
While receiving a visiting Obi of Onitsha, Igwe Nnaemeka Achebe to Aso Rock, former President Olusegun Obasanjo observed that traditional rulers possessed the capacity to make themselves relevant in certain spheres of the nations life, adding that ascribing constitutional roles for the royals would impact positively on the nation’s development.
Opposing views on the matter hold strongly that traditional rulers have become too politicised and might constitute parallel executive or legislative bodies which is out of synch with a modern presidential democracy.
Review of 1999 constitution
A presidential committee on the review of the 1999 constitution actually recommended a constitutional role for traditional rulers. In the first volume of the review body’s main report it recommended that, “constitutional recognition be given to the role of traditional rulers.”
It further noted that “traditional rulers all over the country made a strong case for the constitutional recognition of their role which they had been playing right from the pre-colonial times. They questioned the rationale for excluding their role from the constitution whereas previous constitutions duly recognised them.”
However, submissions in the report which opposed the constitutional inclusion of traditional institution in a fast changing republican environment argued that even Britain which is deeply rooted in monarchical traditions was fast shedding the influence of traditional institution which the people considered an undeserved burden on the tax payers.
Apparently exploring middle-ground options the report maintained that “provision should be made for the establishment of state councils of traditional rulers as an advisory body in all states of the federation, “recommending that provision be made for traditional council at each local government of the federation to serve as an advisory body on matters of tradition and culture. “these roles in no way confer executive, legislative or judicial function on them,” the report held.
The stridency in calls for the abolition of the traditional kingship system, considerably scaled up during the regime of General Sani Abacha when the late dictator effectively used majority of the traditional rulers to advance his self-succession bid.
Strangely, as Nigeria’s recent history would appear to confirm, traditional rulers seem to find great relevance during military dictatorships. They became ready, willing tools used to suppress dissent by fooling their people that the military meant well, thereafter becoming enthusiastic recipients of mouth-watering largesse delivered periodically by the soldiers in power.
Notwithstanding these unseemly warts and pimples that have blackened the face of Nigeria’s royals, advocates of constitutional roles for them believe they are still important in the nation’s quest for political stability. Former head of Interim National Government, Chief Ernest Shonekan, at a book launch posited that Nigeria can only move forward if her cultural heritage forms the foundation of the nation’s political system.
Without question, the switch from parliamentary to presidential constitution swept away many institutions, but certainly not the traditional institution. Even after the abrogation of the first parliamentary constitution in January 1966, the royals have continued in their role as guardians of culture and tradition of their communities.
Against this background, the critical question is what are the cultural roles the traditional rulers cannot play without constitutional recognition? Must such roles be entrenched in the constitution for them to be relevant to the nation’s life as Shonekan appears to suggest?
A common consensus, though not one to put smiles on the royals’ faces, is that they still can be relevant without any constitutional underpinning of their roles, especially given the fear that it could dangerously politicise the institution and position them as parallel executives, aberrations in the extant milieu.
At press time, many prominent traditional rulers are already threading the forbidden partisan political pathway, by their deliberate pronouncements, actions and inactions.
Who are these royals who are singing an old song in a new republican democratic age? It is clear that while the campaign for constitutional inclusion of the roles royal fathers, the counter arguments against such a course provides an overwhelming check on the possibility of yielding to that.
Meanwhile as Governor Oshiomhole rides piggy-back on royal endorsement to contest Edo State’s 2014 governorship poll, what will be on the minds of the opposition? The clout of the Oba is perceived as unchallengeable. What will be the consequences of an opposition victory in the state?
But many say that Oshiomhole has vastly helped his case by delivering quality governance in the state since defeating the erstwhile ruling Peoples Democratic Party which is perceived as scoring low when it was in power. However, all told, time will tell.
For the influential royals who daintily perch on their traditional high horses, it may be morning yet on creation day!